A Letter to Senator Sinema

I appreciate your support on voting rights.

But you know, and I know, that denying the opportunity to check the power of the filibuster, voting rights will never pass in the present Senate, because of GOP obstructionism.

You know this to be true, so does America, and so do your Republican colleagues, who thank their lucky stars for you.

So, I beg you to reconsider the filibuster - it's a device devised by those who would use their minority status to stymie the progress and hope of the nation. It's been a tool of the South, and you know that, too. A tool to prevent any reform in civil rights.

The filibuster is a remnant of another age, a worn-out tool that has long since proved useless.

With one exception - if it could be restored to its original practice, of compelling a senator to take the floor and speak for hours upon hours, making a fool of himself,(or herself, these days), and letting the nation realize how foolish the speaker is.

The Senate needs to free itself from the dictatorship, the tyranny, of reactionary forces. Should the character of the Senate change, there might be a time when I regret my words, but in reality, I'd learn the lesson of politics - tides change, and to support a device that allows a disgruntled few to dominate the Senate cripples the nation, whether the Senate be under GOP or Democratic domination.

I hope, no, I beg you to support your President, my President, in the effort to send the filibuster to the neighborhood antique shop, and getting voting rights passed in the US Senate, for the sake of America.

Sincerely,


The Rev. Dr. Tom Eggebeen
Pasadena, CA

American Attitudes on "Blood" - Indigenous and Black

 New England’s own regional twist on the national racial idiom of Manifest Destiny. It held that Indian “blood” was weaker than that of other races, meaning that the child of an Indian and a non-Indian became a “half-blood,” the child of that “half-blood” and another non-Indian became a “quarter-blood,” and then, eventually, all trace of the Indian vanished, which is precisely what whites who coveted Indian land wanted to happen. By contrast, white Americans thought of black blood as polluting, so that any degree of African descent made one black. It was not coincidental that such a formulation expanded the servile black labor pool to the benefit of white people. In other words, whites’ inconsistencies in reckoning Indian and black racial identities were not illogical at all. They were entirely in line with white colonial desires.

Silverman, David J.. This Land Is Their Land (p. 400). Bloomsbury Publishing. Kindle Edition. 

Socialism in the Midwest - from Sinclair Lewis' "Main Street"

 From Chapter 4, "Main Street," by Sinclair Lewis ... 1920

Carol Milford, the new Mrs. Dr. Will Kennicott, at a party of the town's significant class, asks:

“There hasn't been much labor trouble around here, has there, Mr. Stowbody?” she asked innocently.

“No, ma'am, thank God, we've been free from that, except maybe with hired girls and farm-hands. Trouble enough with these foreign farmers; if you don't watch these Swedes they turn socialist or populist or some fool thing on you in a minute. Of course, if they have loans you can make 'em listen to reason. I just have 'em come into the bank for a talk, and tell 'em a few things. I don't mind their being democrats, so much, but I won't stand having socialists around. But thank God, we ain't got the labor trouble they have in these cities. Even Jack Elder here gets along pretty well, in the planing-mill, don't you, Jack?”

“Yep. Sure. Don't need so many skilled workmen in my place, and it's a lot of these cranky, wage-hogging, half-baked skilled mechanics that start trouble—reading a lot of this anarchist literature and union papers and all.”

“Do you approve of union labor?” Carol inquired of Mr. Elder.

“Me? I should say not! It's like this: I don't mind dealing with my men if they think they've got any grievances—though Lord knows what's come over workmen, nowadays—don't appreciate a good job. But still, if they come to me honestly, as man to man, I'll talk things over with them. But I'm not going to have any outsider, any of these walking delegates, or whatever fancy names they call themselves now—bunch of rich grafters, living on the ignorant workmen! Not going to have any of those fellows butting in and telling ME how to run MY business!”

Mr. Elder was growing more excited, more belligerent and patriotic. “I stand for freedom and constitutional rights. If any man don't like my shop, he can get up and git. Same way, if I don't like him, he gits. And that's all there is to it. I simply can't understand all these complications and hoop-te-doodles and government reports and wage-scales and God knows what all that these fellows are balling up the labor situation with, when it's all perfectly simple. They like what I pay 'em, or they get out. That's all there is to it!”

“What do you think of profit-sharing?” Carol ventured.

Mr. Elder thundered his answer, while the others nodded, solemnly and in tune, like a shop-window of flexible toys, comic mandarins and judges and ducks and clowns, set quivering by a breeze from the open door:

“All this profit-sharing and welfare work and insurance and old-age pension is simply poppycock. Enfeebles a workman's independence—and wastes a lot of honest profit. The half-baked thinker that isn't dry behind the ears yet, and these suffragettes and God knows what all buttinskis there are that are trying to tell a business man how to run his business, and some of these college professors are just about as bad, the whole kit and bilin' of 'em are nothing in God's world but socialism in disguise! And it's my bounden duty as a producer to resist every attack on the integrity of American industry to the last ditch. Yes—SIR!”

Mr. Elder wiped his brow.

Dave Dyer added, “Sure! You bet! What they ought to do is simply to hang every one of these agitators, and that would settle the whole thing right off. Don't you think so, doc?”

“You bet,” agreed Kennicott.